SHIRA A. SCHEINDLIN, District Judge:
In a companion Opinion issued today, I held that the damages model submitted by plaintiffs' expert, Dr. Roger Noll, must be excluded as unreliable under Daubert.
These actions — Garber v. MLB and Laumann v. NHL — are antitrust challenges to sports broadcasting. Both cases rest on the same legal theory. Plaintiffs allege that Major League Baseball ("MLB") and the National Hockey League ("NHL"), along with the regional sports networks ("RSNs") that produce their games, have entered into agreements with multichannel video programming distributors ("MVPDs") — DirectTV and Comcast — that limit options, and increase prices, for baseball and hockey fans who want to watch teams from outside the home television territory ("HTT") where the fans live. According to plaintiffs, defendants' multilateral agreements impose conditions of "territorial exclusivity" that restrain individual teams and RSNs — such as the Yankees Entertainment Sports Network ("YES Network") — from selling their content directly to fans outside the HTT (in the Yankees' case, New York and New Jersey).
According to plaintiffs, the ultimate consequence of this arrangement is that a Yankees fan living in Iowa who wants full access to a season's worth of Yankees games has to buy an "out-of-market package" ("OMP") — a bundle of all out-of-market games, from every team — instead of simply buying the YES Network.
Defendants have a less sanguine vision of the BFW. Although they concede — as they must — that the complained-of restraints limit consumer choice, defendants argue that the restraints are what make it profitable for teams and RSNs to broadcast their games at all. In this sense, plaintiffs' position overlooks the "incentives that drive the telecasting of MLB and NHL games in the actual world."
With respect to class certification, defendants make essentially two arguments.
Confusion persists — even this many years into the case — about the exact practices
First, there is "territorial exclusivity," which refers to the inability of individual teams and RSNs to sell their content directly to consumers outside of their HTTs. Territorial exclusivity is a product of multilateral agreements among the leagues, the RSNs, and the MVPDs. In the absence of such agreements, it would be in the interest of at least some (and perhaps all) RSNs to sell their content a la carte, either over the Internet or through the MVPDs. Defendants do not dispute the existence of territorial exclusivity in the actual world; nor do they dispute that territorial exclusivity is the product of deliberate cooperation among actors in the supply chain. Rather, the core dispute in this case — on the merits — is whether the procompetitive benefits of territorial exclusivity outstrip its anticompetitive effects, once all of its economic effects are taken into account. There can be no question, however, that territorial exclusivity is anticompetitive — it reflects an explicit agreement among competitors, purposely designed to prevent competition. The question is whether, by doing so, territorial exclusivity enhances consumer welfare overall.
Second, there is "context exclusivity," which refers to the ability of an individual RSN to "make its games available," if it sees fit, "only to an exclusive producer in its home market."
Third, there is "game exclusivity," which refers to the monopolization of broadcast rights of a local team's games within its HTT. Game exclusivity is similar to content exclusivity in that it concerns the ability of an RSN to control the flow of content within its HTT. But game exclusivity is also different from content exclusivity — and more restrictive — insofar as it requires limiting the ability of other RSNs from controlling the flow of their content.
Practically speaking, this means that in the actual world, RSNs have both content exclusivity and game exclusivity within their HTT. The YES Network, for example, enjoys content exclusivity insofar as it can dictate how its productions of Yankees games are distributed within its HTT. YES is free to veto certain forms of distribution, or to condition the licensing of its productions on certain constraints — such as blackouts within the OMP. YES is free to do this because its productions are its IP, and, as with any IP-owner, it may do with its IP as it wishes. That would be equally true in the BFW.
Of these forms of exclusivity, plaintiffs are challenging territorial exclusivity, but they are not challenging content exclusivity.
For example, if the Yankees are playing the Red Sox, in the actual world a Yankees fan in Brooklyn would have to watch the game on the YES Network. Even if she subscribed to the OMP, the NESN Network would be blacked out, so as to preserve the YES Network's game exclusivity. And of course the Yankees fan also would not be able to buy the NESN Network a la carte — that is the point of this lawsuit. In the BFW, by contrast, a Brooklyn resident would be able to watch the Yankees-Red Sox game on either the YES Network or the NESN Network (assuming she had access to the latter through an a la carte channel or the OMP). In this sense, even though the YES Network would still have content exclusivity — it would be free to do as it pleases with the games it produces — it would no longer have game exclusivity in the Yankees' HTT.
With the different forms of exclusivity in mind, this section provides an overview of the Supply Side in the market for sports broadcasting, as it exists today.
RSNs produce baseball and hockey games, which are distributed to consumers in two different ways. First, an individual RSN's productions are included in local television programming. When a consumer purchases a cable package from an MVPD, that will typically enable her to watch the RSN (or RSNs) operating within her HTT. Second, game productions — from all RSNs — are bundled together in
Ultimately, then, three different supply chains operate in parallel in the actual world.
The question, then, is how these supply chains translate into concrete options for different classes of consumers. The following pair of examples should help answer this question.
First, consider a Yankees fan who lives in Brooklyn. In the actual world, she can enjoy full access to Yankees games, through the YES Network, by purchasing a local cable package — because she lives within the HTT, that package will include YES. To watch other teams, however, she will have to purchase an OMP, either through her MVPD or over the Internet.
Second, consider a Yankees fan who lives in Iowa. In the actual world, if she wants to watch the Yankees, she will have to buy an OMP.
What is conspicuously lacking in this picture — and what plaintiffs believe would exist in the absence of league-wide territorial restraints — is direct distribution from RSNs to out-of-market consumers. In essence, plaintiffs' position is that two more supply chains should be added (and, in the BFW, would be added) to the Supply Side. Beyond the three supply chains outlined above, the BFW would also include:
The next question, then, is what would be the result for consumers if these additional supply chains were, in fact, to emerge. Considering the same pair of examples as before will help answer this question.
In the BFW, the Yankees fan in Brooklyn will face similar conditions to the conditions she faces in the actual world. If she purchases an OMP, the YES Network will still be blacked out.
The same is not true of out-of-market fans. If the Brooklyn-based Yankees fan is likely to see little difference — and therefore little upside — from the transition to the BFW, the Iowa-based Yankees fan is likely to see a substantial upside. For her, the BFW will include an option that is unavailable in the actual world — a la carte RSNs. She will be able to purchase the YES Network, either through an MVPD (via her cable package) or directly over the Internet. Furthermore, if she purchases an OMP, she will be able to watch the YES Network, through the OMP, even when the Yankees are playing against a team from her HTT. In the actual word, such broadcasts are blacked out — in order to preserve game exclusivity for RSNs in the Iowa HTT.
Plaintiffs seek to certify the TV Class and the Internet Class on the same antitrust theory. According to plaintiffs, every consumer in both classes faced — and
Rule 23(a) permits individuals to sue as representatives of an aggrieved class. To be certified, a putative class must first meet all four prerequisites set forth in Rule 23(a), generally referred to as numerosity, commonality, typicality, and adequacy.
Rule 23(a)(2) requires that there be "questions of law or fact common to the class." Commonality thus requires plaintiffs "to demonstrate that the class members `have suffered the same injury.'"
"Typicality `requires that the claims of the class representatives be typical of those of the class, and is satisfied when each class member's claim arises from the same course of events[] and each class member makes similar legal arguments to prove the defendant's liability.'"
"Adequacy is twofold: the proposed class representative must have an interest in vigorously pursuing the claims of the class, and must have no interests antagonistic to the interests of other class members."
If the requirements of Rule 23(a) are met, the court "must next determine whether the class can be maintained under any one of the three subdivisions of Rule 23(b)."
Under Rule 23(b)(2), plaintiffs must show that defendants "acted or refused to act on grounds that apply generally to the class, so that final injunctive relief or corresponding declaratory relief is appropriate respecting the class as a whole."
There are, however, two additional hurdles that plaintiffs must clear in order to certify a(b)(2) class. First, plaintiffs must demonstrate that the class is "cohesive."
Under Rule 23(b)(3), certification is appropriate where "questions of law or fact common to the members of the class predominate over any questions affecting only individual members," and class litigation "is superior to other available methods for the fair and efficient adjudication of the controversy."
The predominance inquiry focuses on whether "a proposed class is `sufficiently cohesive to warrant adjudication by representation.'"
Antitrust injuries come in two basic forms. First, anticompetitive conduct
As discussed at length in my December 5, 2012 opinion — and rehearsed only briefly here — for an antitrust claim to be justiciable, a plaintiff (or class of plaintiffs) must demonstrate two distinct types of standing.
Because "Article III, Section 2, of the United States Constitution limits federal courts' jurisdiction to `Cases' and `Controversies,'" a party "seeking to bring suit in federal court must establish standing under Article III."
Not every party that satisfies the requirements of Article III standing may bring a private antitrust suit. Because anticompetitive conduct, by its nature, often affects many different actors within a given market, the Supreme Court has erected two additional criteria to limit who has "antitrust standing." First, under Illinois Brick v. Illinois,
As discussed at length in a companion Opinion issued today, I find the damages model submitted by plaintiffs' expert, Dr. Noll, to be inadmissible. As a result, plaintiffs cannot prove their damages case on a class-wide basis. As the Second Circuit has explained, while the need for individualized inquiry into damages does not defeat (b)(3) certification,
But the issue of (b)(2) certification remains. On that front, defendants make essentially two arguments. First, they argue that the putative class consists of winners and losers. In defendants' view, some purchasers of OMPs actually benefit from the restraints in dispute, which both defeats the commonality of injury and frustrates the ability of named plaintiffs to adequately represent the interests of all class members. Second, defendants argue that because some members of the class no longer subscribe to OMPs, they have no legal interest in the prospective relief sought by named plaintiffs — i.e., they are no longer "consumers in the market where trade is allegedly restrained,"
According to defendants, putting an end to territorial exclusivity would likely result in either (1) consumers having to pay more for OMPs, or (2) the disappearance of OMPs entirely. From this premise, defendants conclude that certain consumers are better off in the actual world than they would be in the BFW — specifically, those consumers that would prefer to buy an OMP, even assuming the availability of a la carte channels. Given this ostensible conflict of interest among the class members, defendants argue that the relief sought by lead plaintiffs is "likely [to] harm a great many absent class members."
In response, plaintiffs offer two counterarguments — the first questioning defendants' premise, the second, attacking defendants' conclusion. First, plaintiffs disagree with defendants' portrait of the BFW. According to plaintiffs, beyond the "self-serving affidavits of party witnesses," such as league executives, there is little reason to think that OMPs would be more expensive or non-existent in the BFW.
Because I agree with plaintiffs' second argument — that defendants' theory of intra-class conflict, even if true, is no basis for denying certification — there is no need to address which side has painted a more accurate portrait of the BFW. In effect, defendants' position is that certain class members would prefer the status quo to persist, antitrust violation or no. Put more bluntly, defendants believe that some class members, even if they are currently suffering an antitrust injury, would prefer to be injured than for the injury to be redressed — because the injury carries collateral benefits.
Defendants' claim fails three times over. First, it confuses the question of whether a common injury unites the class with the distinct question of whether all class members agree about how best to respond to the injury. It is the former, not the latter, that drives the Rule 23 analysis — and there is no question that here, a common injury exists in the form of diminished consumer choice. Second, at a policy level, defendants' argument threatens the integrity of the antitrust laws. If the fact that illegal restraints operate to the economic advantage of certain class members were enough to defeat certification, the efficacy of classwide antitrust suits — and the deterrence function they serve — would wither. Third, defendants' argument subverts the purpose of Rule 23(b)(2). When the remedy sought is injunctive rather than monetary, divergent interests within the class militate in favor of certification — because certification gives affected parties a greater voice in the litigation.
Defendants point to a number of antitrust cases where courts have embraced a winners and losers argument against class certification. For example, defendants refer a number of times to Valley Drug Company v. Geneva Pharmaceuticals,
Further examples abound in defendants' papers.
The same is not true in this case. Here, every class member has suffered an injury, because every class member, as a consumer in the market for baseball or hockey broadcasting, has been deprived of an option — a la carte channels — that would have been available absent the territorial restraints ("Injury One"). On top of this general injury, certain class members have also suffered the additional injury of having to pay too much for the content they wanted ("Injury Two"). Plaintiffs and defendants disagree about how many class members fall into the latter category. In plaintiffs' view, every class member does — Injury Two is universal, because all prices would go down in the BFW. In defendants' view, by contrast, only some class members suffered Injury Two. Other class members — those who are interested in watching many teams and would therefore be likely to buy the OMP, even in the BFW ("league-wide fans") — suffered no price-based injury. In fact, according to defendants, league-wide fans derived a price-based benefit from the restraints.
Regardless of which side is ultimately correct about the scope of Injury Two — a question that depends not only on economic analysis, but also on speculation about consumer psychology — Injury One unites the class.
Against this backdrop, there are two ways to understand defendants' position. First, defendants might be arguing that Injury One is outweighed, on balance, by the procompetitive benefits of the territorial restraints for league-wide fans — i.e., that the absence of a la carte options, despite constituting an antitrust injury, is justified by the availability and (comparatively) low price of OMPs. If this is true, it would make the territorial restraints lawful under the Rule of Reason.
One or both of these arguments may be correct, but neither is an argument against class certification. The first is a merits argument. Defendants believe that the complained-of restraints, though anticompetitive to the extent that they preclude the existence of a la carte channels, are also procompetitive to the extent that they facilitate the existence of a well-priced OMP. If defendants can convince the trier-of-fact of this point, they will have a strong defense against antitrust liability — a strong argument for why the restraints satisfy the Rule of Reason and may continue to exist. If this is true, it is true across the class. Indeed, far from creating intra-class conflict, the question of whether the restraints are more procompetitive than anticompetitive is exactly the question of whether a class-wide antitrust injury exists.
Defendants' effort to cast the balance of economic effects as an issue of adequacy under Rule 23(a), rather than a merits issue, is unavailing. In Freeland v. AT & T,
The second way to parse defendants' argument is not that the territorial restraints are lawful on the merits, but rather, that even if they are unlawful, "some class members have an interest in preserving the status quo, antitrust violation or no."
Needless to say, the role of this Court is to apply the antitrust laws, not to rewrite them. It is possible, as defendants suggest, that many baseball and hockey fans would prefer for the complained-of restraints to be deemed lawful rather than unlawful. Indeed, it is even possible that many such fans would have preferred that the instant lawsuit not be brought. But the fundamental point remains. The restraints are either illegal or they are not — and whether they are is a merits question. To properly analyze that question, the preferences of class members — including class members who would prefer for the restraints to remain in place — will certainly be relevant. Those preferences are one consideration for the jury (or, in the case of a(b)(2) class, the Court) as it assesses the restraints' procompetitive benefits. But if the trier-of-fact decides that the restraints' procompetitive benefits are insufficient to overcome their anticompetitive effects, that will be the end of the matter. An arrangement that unlawfully
Furthermore, even if this case were indistinguishable from others where courts have embraced the winners and losers logic, there is still good reason to reject that logic. Defendants' argument sweeps much too broadly. If it prevails, all anticompetitive conduct — regardless of the particular market in which it occurs — would be immunized from class-wide scrutiny on the basis that certain members of the class derive benefits from the conduct. For example, consider the argument championed by defendants' class certification expert — Dr. Janusz Ordover — that territorial restraints generate super-competitive profits for the teams and RSNs, which in turn provides them with the "incentive[] to produce live-game content."
This argument suffers the fatal defect of universal applicability. A monopolist could always argue that being forced to operate at competitive rather than super-competitive margins — i.e., being forced to comply with the antitrust laws — would staunch the creation of capital-intensive goods. Operating competitively diminishes profits; diminished profit generates less disposable capital; less disposable capital means that fewer projects get funded. The problem with this reasoning is that it applies to all industries, at all times. Because it is in the nature of anticompetitive conduct to afford beneficiaries greater stores of capital, it is also in the nature of anticompetitive conduct to produce the sort of "conflicts" that defendants identify here. If such "conflicts" were to preclude class certification, it would become all but impossible to adjudicate antitrust actions on a class-wide basis — meaning, in practice, that it would become all but impossible to adjudicate antitrust actions, period.
This result is unacceptable. Moreover, although the result may be especially clear in antitrust cases, it is by no means unique to that setting. It is likely to be true in many cases where defendants' conduct, despite being unlawful, works to the economic benefit of some class members. An analogy to employment law underscores the point. Imagine that workers bring a class action against their employer — Company X — for failure to pay adequate wages. The allegation is very simple.
Indulging this argument would stand Rule 23 on its head. Instead of serving as an "efficient means of compensating victims" by permitting the redress of common injuries,
This example, while hypothetical, has plenty of real-world analogues. For instance, the Central District of California recently rejected a nearly identical argument in the context of a fraud suit against an insurance company.
The court flatly rejected this argument. Even if defendant was right that its assessment of (fraudulent) fees was "altering the economic fundamentals of the annuities group-wide" in a way that worked to the benefit of certain class members, that was "irrelevant" to the legal question.
These results are not surprising. In a legal system where most individuals lack either the means or the will (or both) to enforce their rights, class actions serve important deterrence goals. They rein in bad behavior. This function is especially pressing in the context of antitrust claims brought by consumers, as opposed to antitrust claims brought by competitors. The former typically involve two dynamics that frustrate individual adjudication. First, from the consumer's perspective, antitrust injuries often have wide but slight economic effects, which means that individual class members might suffer few tangible damages. This does not mean, however, that antitrust violations generate correspondingly little benefit for the entities that perpetrate them. To the contrary, anticompetitive conduct can be highly lucrative. And it is this asymmetry — that the very same conduct can reap enormous gain for the perpetrators, while simultaneously causing every individual consumer a small amount of harm — that makes class actions such an important enforcement device.
Second, antitrust actions are very expensive to litigate. To make out a plausible antitrust claim — much less to convince a trier-of-fact that illegal conduct occurred — it is often necessary to retain an expert whose fees resemble, and might even dwarf, those of counsel.
If this became the default rule, the consequences are not hard to imagine. Fewer antitrust suits would be brought, because would-be plaintiffs (and their attorneys)
The final counterpoint to defendants' winners and losers logic is more specifically tethered to Rule 23(b)(2), and more overtly practical. Given the prospective relief contemplated by Rule 23(b)(2) — as opposed to the retrospective redress contemplated by Rule 23(b)(3) — divergent interests among the class members is a reason to certify the class, not to avoid certification. It is only by allowing an injunctive action to proceed class-wide that consumers whose interests differ in some respects from those of the named plaintiffs will have an opportunity to steer the course of the litigation. Absent certification, "losing" class members would likely be worse off — they would be at the mercy of individual plaintiffs seeking declaratory and injunctive relief that is likely to have sweeping effects on the market as a whole.
In this respect, injunctive classes are fundamentally different than damages classes. With regard to the latter, Rule 23 provides safeguards to protect against coercion. Specifically, Rule 23(c) erects stringent notice and opt-out requirements that must be satisfied as a condition of certification under Rule (b)(3).
With regard to injunctive classes, by contrast, coercion is harder to avoid. Indeed, in many settings the pursuit of structural remedies is inherently coercive — insofar as the outcome of the litigation often bears on the interests of many unnamed parties, whether or not the suit has been formally designated as a class action. When it comes to certain kinds of prospective relief — relief that aims to change policy, or, as here, to transform the dynamics of an entire market — "[t]here is no realistic sense of [class members] `opting out.'"
Putting the winners and losers issue to one side, defendants also argue that plaintiffs cannot satisfy the "cohesion" requirement of Rule 23(b)(2), because certain class members — indeed, even some named plaintiffs — are previous subscribers, but
In other words, defendants argue that even assuming, arguendo, that all class members were injured by the complained-of restraints, it does not follow that all class members will continue to be so injured. The continuity of injury depends on whether "each former subscriber among the absent class members intends to purchase an OMP in the future," a question that defendants believe "impossible to ascertain ... [using] objective criteria."
This argument rests on a mistaken view of the injuries alleged in this case. Defendants are correct, of course, that a plaintiff who can only claim past injuries — who faces neither an ongoing injury nor a realistic chance of future injury — lacks standing to seek prospective relief. The problem with defendants' argument does not lie with this unremarkable proposition. It lies with the implicit premise that past subscribers to OMPs, because they no longer subscribe, are no longer injured. That is false. Short of death, cognitive illness, or a complete loss of interest in baseball and hockey, previous subscribers to OMPs are still "consumer[s]... in the market in which trade [is] restrained" — here, the market for hockey and baseball broadcasting.
Put simply, if a consumer in the market for baseball and hockey broadcasting discontinues her subscription to an OMP, that decision does not remove her from the market for baseball and hockey broadcasting. Rather, it is precisely as a consumer in the market for baseball and hockey broadcasting that she chooses to discontinue her subscription. After all, one of the choices that consumers make is declining to buy products. There are various reasons that might happen. A product might be too expensive — as David Dillon, one of the named plaintiffs here, concluded of the OMP.
But regardless of what motivates a consumer to decide not to purchase a particular product, the point is that on the basis of that decision alone, there is no reason to infer — as defendants ask the Court to infer here — that the consumer is not in the market for such goods. Indeed, on the face of it, an explanation like the one offered by Plaintiff Dillon — that he chose not to renew his OMP subscription because it "wasn't worth the money" — suggests that if the antitrust injury in this case were
Ultimately, defendants' argument depends on the proposition that discontinuing one's subscription to an OMP bespeaks a lack of interest in baseball and hockey broadcasting. There is little reason to think so. For support, defendants point to deposition testimony from named plaintiffs (such as Dillon), indicating that such plaintiffs "do not currently subscribe to an OMP [and] do not [] plan to purchase such a package."
With respect to that question, defendants have offered no reason to think, much less any evidence to show, that previous subscribers are less interested than current subscribers in seeing the restraints lifted. Both groups have the same interest — they want the market for baseball and hockey broadcasting to be as competitive as possible.
The same reasoning also disposes of any concern about Article III. According to defendants, even if previous subscribers qualify as consumers in the market for baseball and hockey broadcasting, they have suffered no injury that is amenable to prospective relief, rendering them constitutionally unqualified to bring a claim — and frustrating class certification.
The Clapper Court echoed this reasoning two terms later, when it held that Amnesty International lacked standing to bring a constitutional challenge to section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act ("FISA"). According to Amnesty International, because it tends to interact with individuals who are subject to overseas telephonic surveillance (as authorized by FISA), the organization faced "an objectively reasonable likelihood that [its] communications will be acquired ... at some point in the future" — conferring standing on the organization to bring a constitutional claim.
A common principle underlies Dukes and Clapper. It is the same principle that motivated City of Los Angeles v. Lyons
The principle uniting these cases is that, for purposes of Article III, neither a previously-inflicted injury nor a hypothetical future injury is sufficient to confer standing to pursue forward-looking remedies. To enjoy such standing, a plaintiff must show either that she currently is injured, or that a future injury is "certainly impending."
Having disposed of all affirmative obstacles to certification under (b)(2), the final question the Court must address is whether such certification is necessary. Under Second Circuit law, there is no need for (b)(2) certification when a defendant is willing to "represent[]" that it "ha[s] no intention of reinstating" a challenged policy, even if the policy has only been challenged on an individual basis.
Assuming, arguendo, that this principle generally applies in cases where defendants are private corporations rather than state officials,
For the reasons set forth above, plaintiffs' motion is GRANTED in part and DENIED in part. The Clerk of the Court is directed to close this motion, Dkt. No. 266 in 12 Civ. 1817, and Dkt. No. 339 in 12 Civ. 3704.
SO ORDERED.
There are two problems with this formulation — the first is factual, the second, conceptual. First, it is unclear (and seemingly disputed) to what extent all class members here actually receive the same treatment in the actual world. Defendants have repeatedly suggested that different consumers pay different prices for the OMP — a fact that casts doubt on plaintiffs' claim that here, unlike other winners and losers cases, every class member faces the same treatment from defendants. See, e.g., Declaration of Daniel L. McFadden (Dkt. No. 358), ¶ 38. Second, even if all class members here did receive the same treatment — or effectively the same treatment — from defendants, it is unclear if the "equal treatment" principle can shoulder its analytic burden. In some cases, even if all class members were treated the same way, no injury unites the class. Indeed, Valley Drug Co. v. Geneva Pharmaceuticals — defendants' prime example — may well be that kind of case. There, the court declined to certify the class on the basis that certain distributors saw no economic downside (and some possibly saw an upside) from defendant's anticompetitive conduct. This was so in spite of the fact that all distributors were treated the same way. All of them were forced to pay the same (allegedly super-competitive) input costs for brand-name drugs. But there was nevertheless a schism within the class, because some distributors were able to pass on the super-competitive costs to consumers, or even to hike up the label price further, while other distributors were not. In this sense, the holding in Valley Drug is difficult to square with the proposition that equal treatment, rather than unity of injury, is the wedge separating defendants' use of the winners and losers logic here from its application in earlier cases.
In re Literary Works is inapplicable to the instant case. There, unlike here, it was undisputed that every class member's rights had been violated. The question was how to divide the recovery — and whether the process for doing so safeguarded the interests of the class as a whole. In this sense, In re Literary Works raised an issue distinctive to (b)(3) actions, and in particular, to the settlements of (b)(3) actions — when the named plaintiffs negotiated settlement terms, did they allocate too large a share of damages to themselves? This question has no analogue with respect to (b)(2) classes. In that setting, it is nonsensical to speak of some class members getting a greater or lesser "share" of injunctive or declaratory relief. By its nature, the relief is uniform across the class.